Feminism and the Importance of Identity Politics Essay Example for Free

Feminism and the Importance of Identity governance EssayTo be feminist in some(prenominal) authentic sense of the term is to want for whole mass, female and male, liberation from sexist post patterns, domination, and conquest. Bell Hooks succinctly sums up what it path to be a feminist, and in time when we look to the feminist driveway and feminist theorizing today, we see a disturbingly different picture. In a social lawsuit founded on equality for all pitying beings, the patriarchy and its power structures have still made a contradict impact in the way this movement is shaped and perpetuated, especially in terms of intersectionality and someoneal personal identity politics. Whose voices are heard? What issues are prioritized? Who is considered a true(a) feminist? When we ask how and wherefore issues of identity and intersectionality are relevant to feminist theorizing, the answer is simple. When the true and analyzable identities of individuals and social gr oups are ignored, what forms is a limiting and narrow view inherently oppositional to the movements intro and goals.Essentially, ignoring these issues means perpetuating the oppression the movement itself is trying to fight. What follows is a brief analysis on three reasons why feminists should care ab bug out identity and individuals with complex identities 1) addressing oppressions in a movement dedicated to eliminating all oppression, 2) identifying the negative consequences of elision of difference, and 3) recognizing the real importance of intersectionality in terms of survival in the real world, as fence to simply theorizing in academics. While the feminist movement is explicitly dedicated to fighting racism and any other types of isms, we see that typically marginalized groups continue to be marginalized within the movement. These groups are well aware of this oppression, yet how often their voices are heard or even considered are slim to none. In a description from Black feminists part of The Combahee River Collective, it is explained that there was the claim to develop a politics that was anti-racist, inappropriate those of White women, and anti-sexist, unlike those of Black and white men (CRC 59).As members of two oppressed groups in society, Black women demo the highest obstacles in their pursuit of complete liberation, especially beca intent of the dominant narrative and voices that have typically commandeered the political movement. As Kimberle Crenshaw purports, the need to split ones political energies between twosometimes opposing groups is a belongings of intersectional disempowerment that men of color and white women seldom confront (Crenshaw 85). The intersectional experience of White women have typically henpecked the womens movement as White women have had more than accessibility and opportunity to speak out/theorize academically as opposed to Black women.Thus, the experiences of Black women which are distinguishably different fro m the White adult females are essentially absent from the discussion, an issue that is highly problematic as it points to racism and oppression within a social justice movement ( non to mention a limited perspective). feminist theorists and activists must make sure to account for intersectional experiences in order to avoid this hypocrisy. Specifically, White feminists and activists must under bear that their role as genuine activists in the movement mandates a need to be educated and literate in Black history and culture, something that the Combahee River Collective has explicitly called for. As they argue, eliminating racism in the white womens movement is by definition work for white women to do, but we give continue to speak to and demand righteousness on this issue (CRC 63).Being a conscientious and fully aware member of this movement involves more than addressing intersectionality and racism within the movement. Feminist theorists need to identify the importance of 1) ma king the personal political, and subsequently 2) avoiding the libellous and common elision of differences between and within groups. These two ideas cannot happen or be fully achieved without the other. The world-class step requires a great deal of honesty and self-reflection, which may come with some discomfort and pain, a reason that many individuals may avoid this introspection. As Mari Matsuda argues in her article, by claiming, exploring, and questioning my own identity in an explicit way, I seek truth, and I seek to encourage my students to do the alike (Matsuda 75).Feminist theorists must consider the value of truth and justice over any type of discomfort or personal guilt that blocks the path towards complete liberation for all. Just as honesty is crucial in terms of oppression within the movement, it is also key in recognizing privilege. Matsuda supports this idea I do not know of any other politics of social change that works other than the one that asks people to explo re deeply their own location on the axes of power (Matsuda76). Once one has a authoritative amount of self-awareness and recognizes their privilege, only then can they be able to avoid ignoring intragroup differences. Ergo, the White char cannot fully understand the complexity splutter of a Black womans experience in the movement if she does not understand her own privilege over the Black woman within the same movement.While intersectionality is quite real in the day-to-day lives of women, feminist theory has typically categorized identity as a limiting either/or dichotomy between woman or person of color, leaving women of color marginalized. In terms of delirium against women, Crenshaw argues that this elision of difference is harmful because it is perpetuating the violence by not fully understanding how two-fold dimensions of womans identity contribute to her experience. For example, in our society ruled by a racist/patriarchal structure and system, battered women of color f ace poverty and racially discriminatory employment/housing, thus have a much harder time determination shelter and support. The elision of difference can also be harmful because it poses as a little terror to solidarity ignoring intragroup differences simply continue to raise tension between these sub groups and ultimately harms the progress of the movement, which requires everyone to stand with one another.Lastly, feminist theorists must recognize the importance of intersectionality and identity as transcendent issues that go beyond simply theorizing and play a very real role in the lives of women every day. As Crenshaw argues, The struggle over incorporating these differences is not a petty or superficial conflict about who gets to sit at the head of the table. In the context of violence, it is sometimes a deadly serious matter of who will weather and who will not (Crensaw 89). The commonly shared assumption that battering is a minority problem, for example, exemplifies the is sues with ignoring intersectionality/identity. Battering is a tender problem, and if a Latina woman cannot get shelter from a husband threatening to kill her multiple times because she cant prove she is English-proficient, then something is very wrong.These exclusionary policies are inherently oppositional to the goal of human liberation and the womens movement, and if feminist theorists do not address this, then not only will real change remain absent, but we will continue to lose the livesof women around the world. These are human beings that deserve to live and exercise their rights that deserve to celebrate their multi-dimensional identity, instead of suffer from it because feminist theory and social structure are ignoring them. Feminist theorists, we need you to be honest with yourselves and your privilege. We need you to address the complexity and kayo of every individual, help use these differences to resist against oppression instead of perpetuate it, and ultimately harne ss and use the full power of group solidarity to truly and genuinely fight for human liberation.